Photo via Wikimedia Commons, Graphic by Asyrique Thevendran/The Gazelle
A Look at the Legacy of the Arab Uprisings
On Jan. 25, 2014, after two years of drafts and 200 historic votes, Tunisia’s national assembly passed a landmark constitution. It has since been ...
Feb 1, 2014
On Jan. 25, 2014, after two years of drafts and 200 historic votes, Tunisia’s national assembly passed a landmark constitution. It has since been hailed as a paragon for the Arab World, “a badly needed booster shot” for a region that has been facing the revolutions, counter-revolutions and sectarian violence of a Spring that has lasted three years.
Tunisian sophomore at NYU Abu Dhabi Imen Haddad never read her country’s old constitution, the one in use under Ben Ali’s regime, but has already finished reading the new one within days of its passing.
“I read it and I was proud. It is not perfect, but I believe that it is important to every Tunisian,” she said. “We Tunisians made it, we were worried about it, we, unfortunately, fought and argued about it … This new constitution is hope because it is ours.”
Haddad highlighted certain clauses in the constitution, like one on gender equality, another on freedom of religion and another on the government's duty to protect the environment. The document has been commended by the local and international community both for its balance and for its efforts to be inclusive; Ennahda — the Islamist party that recently stepped down but oversaw the writing of the constitution — and Tunisia’s secular opposition are in agreement over the document’s success.
The constitution may be important for other countries in the region as well. The collective revolutionary optimism of three years ago has wilted to a frustrated malaise, pockmarked by conflict and seemingly never-ending violence. Now there is proof of success, not just for Tunisia but for other countries in the region such as Egypt.
In an op-ed piece for Al-Jazeera, writer Larbi Sadiki took note of the special channels of communication between Tunisia and Egypt.
“Tunisia and Egypt have generally experienced reciprocal processes allowing for transfer of revolutionary know-how (bloggers, protesters' solidarity of how to counter riot police tactics), Islamist exchange, trade union and women's solidarities, and overall infectious politics going back and forth,” he wrote.
The world watched on television and computer screens as thousands of Egyptians gathered at Tahrir Square to demand the removal of then-President Mubarak in January 2011. But now, after the ousting of both Mubarak and Morsi and more crackdowns on protesters by security forces, the country is being stretched taut by the conflict between the Muslim Brotherhood and the opposing secular military.
“This past summer, the situation had worsened,” said Egyptian sophomore Nada Azhary. “We had just had our second revolution to overthrow Morsi, and there was great instability. We had a curfew, and that disrupted a lot of people’s lifestyles. People said that the country had been divided since the first revolution, but I never really felt it until this summer.”
This nationwide feeling of polarization has seeped into the everyday lives of ordinary people.
“It even caused divisions between family members, where it was very common to find both sides,” added Azhary. “Every family meal would include discussions about politics and end up in arguments. I really felt heartbroken for my country.”
Violent clashes at protests between pro-Morsi protesters and the military’s security forces have exacerbated the situation and wracked the country, causing many to forgo past revolutionary fervor in favor of a return to stability.
“The average citizen has had to face the costs of instability, violent conflict and deteriorating living conditions since 2011,” said NYUAD Global Professor of Political Science John Waterbury. “Now, in nearly all ‘Arab Spring’ countries, there is a yearning for stability. We see it clearly in Egypt.”
This, said Waterbury, may indicate a disillusionment with the original revolutions.
In other post-revolutionary countries such as Yemen, concern over economic conditions and the standard of living is coupled with increasing demands for more government accountability.
In an op-ed piece for The Yemen Times, youth activist Rafat Al-Akhali wrote, “Looting the public purse is one way to divert public funds to the hands of the elite and funding the patronage system.”
Yemen has recently finished its National Dialogue Conference, in which delegates drafted a document on which the country’s future constitution will be based. Like Tunisia’s constitution, the conference has been regarded as a positive step.
Past British Ambassador to Yemen, Nicholas Hopton, wrote in Al-Arabiya, “This remains perhaps the only Arab Spring change process moving consistently in a broadly positive direction — although nobody expects it to be linear.”
Yemeni NYUAD junior at Fadhl Eryani has noted an increasing awareness among younger Yemeni students of these political changes.
“Going back every school break is really fascinating,” he said. “The kids and young men from my neighborhood are becoming a lot more politically aware, or if not aware then at least interested.”
Analysts have remarked on youth participation in the post-revolutionary countries, especially Egypt. However, Waterbury says that, while they are vocal, youth may not be politically active.
“Youth participation in the latest Egyptian referendum on a new constitution was very low,” he said. “The highest rate was for those aged 35-50, those craving stability.”
In Tunisia, another prominent group in the post-revolution political arena has been women.
“Women are more able to express themselves than ever before,” said Haddad.
Despite the growing optimism in Tunisia, there is a darker side to Arab uprisings — one associated with sexual assault, abuse and rape. In Egypt, as many as 80 sexual assaults have been reported in one day.
“What happened to the Egyptian women who were gang raped and sexually tortured in Tahrir Square on 25 January, 2013?” asked political blogger Mariz Tadros in The Guardian. “Not much, other than power holders incriminating the victims as being responsible for bringing the assault upon themselves.”
Moreover, analysts and citizens alike show concern for a region that continues to be transformed by sectarian violence, deteriorating economic standards and political corruption. Syria, where a revolution spiraled into civil war, is a source of worry.
“Many observers are rightly signaling a new Arab Cold War, this time fought along the fault line of Shi’ites versus Sunnis with Iran and Saudi Arabia anchoring the two sides,” said Waterbury. “Most citizens in these countries do not see themselves as primarily Shi’a or Sunni, but when threatened with violence, people will seek refuge in their sect.”
Some believe religious minorities in post-revolutionary countries, such as those part of the Druze or Alawite Muslim sects, or Egypt’s Coptic Christians, may suffer in the future.
Others remain hopeful for the overarching goals of the revolutions, even after three long years.
“I think Egypt has gone through many ups and downs since the first revolution, but one thing still stands: people’s determination for Egypt to become a better place,” said Azhary. “Even those living below the poverty line, they walk past you and still say ‘Alhamdulillah,’ and pray for Egypt … Now, as trials go on for both ex-presidents, and new elections come up I really hope we come to terms with our situation and start from there instead of mourning on the past and blaming each other.”
As countries continue moving forward and some continue protesting, it remains important to note the fundamental shift that took place three years ago when Tunisian fruit vendor Mohamed Bouazizi performed the act of self-immolation that catalyzed the region’s revolutions.
“For the first time in centuries, average citizens went to the streets to protest their governments on political grounds,” said Waterbury. “They had protested in the past over cost-of-living issues, but beginning in 2011, the slogan was Ash-sha'b yurid isqat an-nidham—the people want the fall of the regime. In all the oscillations we will see in the coming months and years, I believe that what ‘the people’ did in 2011 will not be forgotten. The old paradigm is broken.”
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