Given the current instability and precarious socio-political conditions in Pakistan, the question arises — will Imran Khan succeed in overcoming the malicious prosecution by the military elite or end up as just a revolutionary figure who failed to fulfill his purpose in the end? The past few months have been especially troublesome for Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaaf, Khan’s political party, and its future in the Pakistani political landscape. With countless court cases being opened against Khan, his allies are also not safe.
After he took office in 2018, Khan launched several initiatives to reform Pakistan’s economy and improve the standard of living for its citizens. He
focused on rooting out corruption by ensuring accountability, worked tirelessly to
improve relations with neighboring countries like India and Afghanistan, and lastly advocated strongly against terrorism. However, with Imran Khan’s disqualification and the recent economic developments in the country the confidence of some people in his competence has staggered. Currently,
21 FIRs (First Information Reports) have been filed against the former Prime Minister, and with him resisting arrest, the country is in a state of chaos.
Other political parties and stakeholders in Pakistan have repeatedly criticized Khan for letting corrupt practices continue during his term in power, and ultimately not fulfilling the manifesto that he won the 2018 elections with. Multiple other allegations, including the acceptance of foreign funding for his election campaigns, have also been levied against him, which just goes on to show how he has gone against his self-imposed ideals.
Interestingly, similar to Khan being seen as a ‘revolutionary’ leader by the majority of Pakistan, the nation also saw a similar situation approximately 45 years ago during the regime of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. Bhutto claimed that the US and other parties from within Pakistan were trying their best to oust him, while Imran Khan has also asserted a comparable statement in the present. He had previously restrained himself from openly criticizing the United States, but that has now changed. Just like Bhutto faced a unified opposition in the form of nine coalition parties, Khan is also facing opposition in the form of the Pakistan Democratic Movement.
Despite the ongoing socio-economic crises in the country, the number of supporters of PTI, or more precisely of Khan, only seem to be ever-growing. During all this commotion, these people have been standing outside Zaman Park (Imran Khan’s residency in Lahore), refusing to allow the arrest of their leader. Hence, in the midst of all these events, one may overlook Imran Khan's movement that emerged after his removal from office. Although some may view it as a mere expression of dissent against the previous political establishment, it could potentially signify the start of a new phenomenon — the formation of a popular democratic movement in Pakistan. This mainly stems from an anti-establishment sentiment within the Pakistani public, which has not existed in such a way during the 75 years since the partition of the Indian subcontinent and the establishment of Pakistan. However, this was not a likely scenario as the political system in Pakistan is designed to generate different results. The military holds significant influence within the government and across the broader economy. As a result, when the former Prime Minister had a falling out with the military and associated people of high rank, he was given a vote of no-confidence in the parliament. Again, Imran Khan can also be criticized for using the army for his personal benefit, openly supporting it for their backing in the elections, and alleging they are behind his ouster when he has fallen from power.
The future of Khan now hangs in this balance: if he is able to rile up a politically charged public to stand against the tyranny of Pakistan’s military establishment and thus undermine their legitimacy, it will be monumental. In essence, a very delicate decision needs to be made at this turn of events: will his political party keep fighting the authorities for what they believe is right for the country, or will Khan negotiate with the current government and eventually compromise to remain a significant actor within the political system? Both routes have their ups and downs. The former decision risks the physical security of Khan and his followers as they clash with an angry mob of law enforcement officials, while the latter means that the PTI will have to give up some of its demands, specifically holding a general election on time, to escape the judicial persecution that it is currently facing.
Whatever the result of this stalemate, one thing is clear — it has been a while since the military has been challenged by any popular civilian group, and Pakistan is heading into uncharted territory with such a situation. The establishment also seems distraught as putting down Khan and his ambitions no longer seems easy with the massive scale of support he has garnered in the past year since his ousting. I believe that if the general elections were to be held right now without much meddling, Khan would emerge victorious with a two-thirds majority. This is also why the authorities are not calling for elections at the moment, even though the current stint of the Sharif government should have been resolved by now, and ideally, an interim government with the responsibility of organizing the elections should have been in power.
That being said, the democratic processes being hindered in the midst of all this chaos is a significant loss for Pakistan and its people, which, needless to say, is quite worrisome. While the civil disobedience and political participation that Khan is encouraging are essential elements for a well-functioning democracy, excessive utilization of these tactics is likely going to lead to serving the purpose of the undemocratic opposition faction. Repercussions of this could influence the elections, if they are to happen any time soon. It puts me in a political dilemma where neither group is making reasoned choices, and are instead radicalizing the political space of Pakistan, polarizing the public, and creating anarchy that does not serve the purpose of either group.
Abdullah Yusuf is a Contributing Writer. Email him at feedback@thegazelle.org.