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Today’s Old News

Nov. 17 in History: Continents were cut, Presidents were forced to flee, and Greeks protested. Read more of today’s old news.

Nov 16, 2019

Cutting Continents, Creating Crises
On Nov. 17, 1869, African and Eurasian landmasses were irrevocably separated when the Suez Canal was officially opened. In 1859, the construction of the 193 kilometer waterway linking the Red Sea to the Mediterranean was a colossal feat that demanded the efforts of roughly one million Egyptian laborers, over 10 percent of whom died as a direct result of the poor safety regulations put in place by the French administrators. Having been granted the rights to build and administer the canal for the next 99 years, the French Suez Canal Company originally faced vast opposition from the British who saw it as a means for France to expand its influence on the world stage. This changed when Britain capitalized on the 1875 financial crisis by buying most of the Egyptian owned shares to become a major partner in the Company. Consequently, Britain proceeded to reap major profits from Egyptian territory and labor, until President Gamal Abdel Nasser nationalized the Company in 1956. Britain then moved to defend its economic interests via direct military intervention, triggering an incident that would become known as the Suez crisis.
Fujimori Forced to Flee
Supposedly en route back to Lima to face a furious congress, Peruvian President Alberto Fujimori instead landed in Tokyo on Nov. 17, 2000, where he would appeal for [political asylum] (https://edition.cnn.com/2000/WORLD/americas/11/18/fujimori.japan.02.reut/index.html). The son of Japanese immigrants, Fujimori rose to the Peruvian presidency as a dark horse candidate promising major changes throughout the country. Fujimori used the military to disband the constitution in 1992, rig ballots, actively use death squads and pardon prisoners guilty of human rights abuses. Over the decade of his presidency, Fujimori’s administration became increasingly mired in controversy. Dispute culminated in the Montesinos scandal, wherein the head of Fujmori’s secret service and one of his closest confidants, Vladimiro Montesinos, was caught attempting to bribe an opposition politician. Both men would respond to the scandal by promptly leaving the country; Montesinos tried to flee to Panama, while Fujimori attended a conference for leaders of the Asia-Pacific region based in Brunei. After his return, Fujimori took his unexpected detour and sent a fax to Lima announcing his resignation. This was rejected by Congress, who would impeach him three days later and immediately call for his extradition from Japan; a request that would finally be accepted in 2005. Today, Fujimori and those associated with him remain highly controversial figures in Peru.
Resignations and Removals
General Sani Abacha is considered to be among the most brutal dictators to have held power in Nigeria. Among other horrendous crimes against the people, Abacha is arguably best remembered in the international psyche for orchestrating the execution of Ken Saro-Wiwa in order to exploit Ogoni lands, as further explored in the last issue of The Gazelle. However, this atrocity and an entire chronicle of Abache’s rule from 1993 to 1998, fail to cover the extent of his involvement in undermining Nigerian democracy. Abache first became an officer in the military in 1963, rising to the rank of major general. His powerful position enabled him to take a leading role in the 1983 coup that removed the civilian government of [President Shehu Shagar.] (https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/resources/idt-f9f1cd17-2c50-442e-88fc-e2deb46dbde1). Despite not taking the top position immediately, it was clear that Abacha had a firm grasp on the reigns of power. Two years after the initial coup, Abacha made a rare public appearance to announce that the previous leading general would be replaced by another, General Ibrahim Babangida, who would award Abache the position of defense minister for his support. Years later, Babangida himself decided that it was time to resign in favor of a civilian government, and on Nov. 17, 1993, Abacha would succeed the presidency after the interim candidate Chief Ernest Shonekan resigned for unspecified reasons; a decision that few today consider to have been voluntary.
A People’s Polytechnic Protest
Greece was embroiled in a period of extensive political turmoil in the 1960s, at a time when many politicians hoped that the military would step in and help restructure the government. However, the events that transpired on April 20, 1967, defied all expectations when a coalition of three lower ranking officers led by Colonel Georgios Papadopoulos took action against democracy. They ordered troops to storm Athens, calling for the arrest and imprisonment of their political opponents and established a military junta that would rule the nation until 1974. What followed this coup was years of brutal oppression, violence and surveillance. Eventually, the people could no longer remain silent. On Nov. 14, 1973, a group of university students gathered to demonstrate against the Junta. Using seized communications equipment, the students transmitted anti-government and pro-democracy messages that would be heard across Greece. As a brutal military dictator, Papadopoulos did not take kindly to this protest. Combating the mounting efforts taken by the regime to destabilize and disperse their numbers, the students held a fast for three full days and only broke it in the early hours of the fourth day. Recognizing that no other means would be effective, tanks were sent to the university grounds and killed over 1,000 [students] (https://greece.greekreporter.com/2018/11/16/how-the-athens-polytechnic-uprising-ideals-of-freedom-and-democracy-lost-their-glow/). While the protest ultimately failed, the Junta rule would last in Greece until 1974 when Turkey intervened. The event has become ingrained symbol of resistance in the memory of Greeks; many of whom still commemorate the anniversary of the day that it was brutally suppressed: Nov. 17, 1973.
Toby Le is a columnist. Email him at feedback@thegazelle.org.
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